Literature Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Literature - Research Paper Example In the end, marriage and love undermine Helena and Hermias friendship, destroying their chance to have the kind of relationship Woolf and other feminists dream of. The desire of Helena and Hermia to get married, and the relationship Oberon has with his wife Titania, show that "A Midsummer Nights Dream" ultimately reinforces the cultural subordination of women by their husbands and lovers. As Roberts points out about Elizabethan drama in general, "unless we are very careful, these plays reinforce for women their inherited and culturally sustained sense of their own insignificance" (367). The same is certainly true of A Midsummer Nights Dream in specific; the play reinforces traditional gender roles which require women to get married and nothing else. This can be seen in the fact that all of the main female characters only want to get married. Even the dramatis personae describes the women characters as "in love with" their lover, or as "betrothed" to them. As Woolf suggests, the women are only described based on the men they associate with (82). Additionally, "A Midsummer Nights Dream has 13 men to 4 women" (Roberts 367). This shows that the play is more interested in men than women, even if the women characters do play such an important role, relatively speaking, to those of the male characters. Of course, the main female characters are Hermia and Helena. Their goals are both marriage, and both of them seem at first to be good Feminist role models. After all, they have both fled with their preferred lover, denying their fathers wishes by refusing to marry the men their fathers prefer. In the first act, Theseus warns them of the consequences of their disobedience. If Hermia does not marry Demetrius instead of Lysander, she will have either "to die the death, or to abjure / For ever the society of men" (I.i.65-66). Even when threatened with execution or being sent to a nunnery, though, Hermia is unrepetant: She would

The Cold War and American Foreign Policy Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

The Cold War and American Foreign Policy - Essay Example Two names more important than perhaps any other in terms of The United States foreign policy and its impact, position and effect in the Cold war are those of Paul Nitze and George Kennan, senior officials in the American administration, with sharply contradicting views and positions of strategy. Each had a highly contrasted sense of policy from the other, in terms of how the United States should take a stand towards the Cold War and what would be the most favorable policy for their victory and the Soviets’ defeat. These views and the lives of these two men are outlined in Nicholas Thompson’s book, The Hawk and The Dove, and are investigated in the paragraphs to follow, along with the question of who influenced American foreign policy more favorably and what effect it would have on the ultimate result of the Cold War. To outline their most fundamental disagreement in a nutshell, one believed in prevention and the other believed in action. One of them, Nitze, believed the ir strategy should be to surpass any limits of capability the soviets may hold them responsible for and then act on them, while the other, Kennan, believed to think like the soviets would, try to analyze their intentions and then counter or contain them until they themselves internally collapsed, known as his policy of containment. Kennan, who believed in the latter, was of the belief that the soviets were fundamentally weak and insecure and that it would not take much for them to collapse, assuming they were handled correctly. Nitze on the other hand was of the opposing view that the Soviets were fast gaining power and that Moscow would attain strategic superiority from the United States in a few years, which he hoped to counter before it occurred. Where Kennan believed that it just took to understand the Soviets’ intentions and thoughts to end the cold war, Nitze believed it took to understanding and surpassing their every capability. To understand how fundamentally differe nt the two men were, it is of interest to note that foreign policy aside, they even differed on their own country: Kennan condemned America for its vulgar culture, and its people for having a complacent and mediocre standard. Nitze on the other hand was convinced of America’s power and central hold on the world. Therefore, given their completely contrasting view, one ready to take the back-seat and one ready to accelerate with full force, they can both be said to sum up the two sides of a generation’s argument on the Cold War and America's foreign policy regarding it. Of course there were also many incidents where the two men, who were close friends, did agree, such as the Marshall Plan, or their stance on the American position in Vietnam, in which cases they tended to prove that they were quite correct in their judgment and often received favorable reaction. Nonetheless, those few times aside, they had different viewpoints at a primary and fundamental level, thereby m aking it more likely for them to disagree than agree. These differences however did not prevent them from seeking mutual benefit from each other’s policies. For example, Nitze extracted military benefit from Kennan’s theory of containment, by negotiating deals with Soviets regarding the United States military, and by keeping the military and its allies safe. Kennan on the other hand enjoyed a certain level of military and otherwise superiority from which to excise his policy of containment, thereby proving that each was necessary factor in American policy on the Cold War and that while each contradicted each other, it did not necessarily mean that they clashed with each other. Where the differences in their thinking arose from is of no mystery, as it was indeed early experience in the lives of both these men that were to shape them for the rest of their life. One’s experience with the Cold War, Nitze's, consisted of dealing with the live aftermath of a Nuclear W ar, on the scene

Attack Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Attack - Essay Example Israel uses all possible means to ensure that the balance of power in the Middle East shifts in her favor. Palestine on the other hand is gripped by fear as Israel strives to maintain and extend her territorial boundaries. Israel has continually done everything in her power to dominate Palestine. In an attempt to fight that dominance, Palestinians have realized their cause, for which they are willing to give up anything – even their own lives. In the fight for their cause, Palestinians have opted for radical measures, including guerilla tactics and terrorism. Extremist groups have emerged, and suicide bombers have realized the need for their hostile acts. In â€Å"The Attack†, Khadra depicts this situation, vividly describing the complexities entailed in both the Palestinian cause and the Israeli cause. In both, the end justifies the means. â€Å"The Attack† neutrally highlights the Arab-Israeli conflict. It offers a multidimensional scope on the hindrances for q uest for peace in the Middle East. Through a political fiction, it aims to elaborate what drives extremists to fight for â€Å"the cause†. It shows why extremists would not think twice about blowing themselves up in order to achieve their end. The author portrays this through the narrator of the story, Dr. Amin Jaafari, an Israeli-Arab. Dr. Amin seems to blend well in an Israeli society, in Tel Aviv. He is a successful surgeon, married to a loving, beautiful and seemingly secular wife. He seems oblivious of the separatist views experienced by Arabs and the Israelis. Unlike most people in the region who are driven by ethnic and religious differences, he is driven by his ambitions to succeed in his career. His bubble bursts when he finds out that his wife was involved in a suicide bombing that left innocent people dead and injured. At first, he did not believe that his wife could be capable of such an evil act until the police asked him to identify the body of the suicide bombe r. He was shocked when the police told him that his wife had not gone to the restaurant where the incident occurred to have a snack. Instead, she went to have a blast (Khadar, 2006). Later, a letter from his wife confirmed his doubts. The incidence gives him the desire to understand his wife’s extremist side, a side he had barely figured out before. The author poses fundamental questions regarding the complexities of the Arab-Israeli conflict. He leaves the reader wondering whether the cost paid for the cause is worth it. Lives are lost; people are left psychologically disturbed by the effects of recurrent bomb attacks, hostilities and general unrest. Those close to the attackers are left tormented by betrayal and deceit. For Dr. Amin, news of his wife’s involvement with a fanatic group leaves him with a lot of unanswered questions. After the attack, Amin loses his friends, neighbors and political affiliates, who think that he was his wife’s partner and is there fore equally guilty. Truth is, unlike his wife, he was dedicated to setting aside religious differences; and focusing on his career and success. It is disturbing to imagine why â€Å"a beautiful, intelligent, modern woman, esteemed by the people around her, thoroughly assimilated, pampered by her husband and worshiped by her friends† could end up as a suicide bomber (Khadra 2006). The author leaves the reader wondering whether seemingly modernized individuals from the Middle East may just be putting on a

Human Resources course essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Human Resources course - Essay Example Maslow’s hierarchy of needs theory is one of the most popular theories of motivation. Many organizations across the globe formulate their strategies of motivating employees drawing help from Maslow’s hierarchy of needs theory. According to Maslow, there are five needs that are fundamental and commonly felt by all people. The needs identified by Maslow include physiological needs, safety needs, love and belongingness needs, self-esteem needs, and the need to self-actualize (Cherry, 2013). Maslow arranged these needs in a hierarchical order so that when placed upon one another, they take the form of a pyramid. Needs range from essential to optimal as one moves from the base to the top of the pyramid. Thus, physiological needs like food and air are the most fundamental needs as an individual cannot survive without them whereas the need to self-actualize is the least essential. Maslow’s hierarchy of needs theory asserts that an individual does not feel a higher-level need unless all lower-level needs in the pyramid have been satisfied. Considering the issue from the perspective of Maslow’s hierarchy of needs theory, money is not the only factor that can help the employees accomplish their needs. For example, let’s suppose an employee who feels the need of love and belongingness. There is a company that offers him a handsome salary but requires him to stay away from his family at a far-away station. Another company offers him a lower salary but provides the employee with the facility to work from home. The employee would go for the second company rather than the first because staying and working from home would fulfill his love and belongingness needs. There are a variety of ways in which managers can motivate employees. These include providing employees with medical and accommodation facilities, and offering employees more leaves as a sign of appreciation so that they can stay longer with their families. Many

European Business Environment Essay Example for Free

European Business Environment Essay Introduction This paper focuses on the enlargement of the European Union (EU) and its effects on external and internal relations. Taking into account the analysis and forecast presented before enlargement, it shows the real consequences of the development. The most essential consequences, as well as problems in part of decision-making and administration in the EU, social consequences of the enlargement, as well as the result of the possible economic enlargement of the on both existing member countries and new entrant countries. In taking into account the future of the European Union and the perception of regional European, the study specify that for the first time in many decades the EU has the opportunity to strengthen the global role of the society and reunify the continent supported by a common democratic standards and rules, a collapse in the process of European integration would mainly perhaps mean the gradual marginalization of Europe as a foremost actor of international associations. The collapse of the Soviet Union and the fall of the bipolar order greatly affected the development of European integration. One of the main basic challenges was the disappearance of the Eastern Bloc, as the threat of the Soviet hostility served for many years as a amalgamate aspect for the Western community (Baun, 2004). The next challenge was the unification of Germany, as it was obvious for most of European countries that the prospect role and position of the united German state would be stronger and further important than that of Cold War-era Western Germany. At the same illustration, the European Union, formally established by the Treaty of Maastricht on 1 November 1993, had to respond to broader problems about its international target and the future shape. It was apparent that the European Union possibly could not have opened its door to nation that was unwary or unable to prove the good organization of their democratic governance. Additionally, the setback for the EU was that planed to outlook for the relationship served as encouragement for the new democratic organization in East-Central Europe to carry on their complex and socially troublesome reforms, the flourishing results of which became significant for the strength of the whole continent. The solution was the Copenhagen condition, explained at the summit of the European Council in Copenhagen in 1993. The rules placed general necessities for starting effective democratic organizations, respect for individual and minority human rights, and suitable instruments for promised market economy (Lindner, 2003).Upon meeting the requirement, the first candidates was capable of open the accession talks in 1998. Ten new members that united the European Union on 1 May 2004 completed these consultations in 2002. Jointly with the growth in 2004, the EU-15 developed into EU-25; after Bulgarian and Romanian accession on 1 January 2007, the coming together became the EU-27. The growth from 15 to 27 member states was the biggest in the history of European incorporation process growing the number of the EU population from about 380 to 485 million. The new states members were medium-sized and small countries, though; each of the new associate has achieved the same rights as existing members of the EU. The enlargement of Eastern has been the major difficulties in the history of European integration, not simply because of the number of new states member joining the European Union at the same time, but mainly because of differences in the level of the gross national product (GNP) involving the old and the new members states of the EU. An evaluation of GNP per capita confirms that the richest new members state have not go beyond 40% of the standard EU-15 level and much bigger asymmetry is opened by the evaluation with the wealthiest states members of the old union (Miles, 2004). In reality, earlier enlargement rounds, like the one in 1973, to comprise the Ireland, Denmark and United Kingdom the one in 1995, to include Austria, Finland, and Sweden, was accessions of states similar in economic improvement and wealth. Merely the membership of Spain and Greece in 1981 and Portugal in 1986 caught up the enlargements of countries, which were much not as good as at the moment of their accession than the standard member of the society. This led to a question of harmony between the poorer members and the rich, and needed additional financial contribution of the wealthiest member states to sustain political and economic transformation in the new member countries. Although the old member countries reacted with hesitation, they finally agreed to such assistance, being aware that it would support democratic transformation on the Continent and support to eliminate intimidation of instability for the whole society, while contributing to formation of the common European marketplace. Nevertheless the Eastern enlargement twenty years later on was incomparable in its unevenness of economic potentials and the interns of GNP per capita involving the old and the new members still with the Southern growth of the European Community (EC) in the mid-1980s (Nugent, 2004). This irregularity of enlargement collectively with fears in Western Europe about social cost, problems of intra-union administration as well as the continuing crises of EU characteristics have compounded the face of the Eastern enlargement years after the enlargement, these concern continue to distress the integration development, consequently it is worth focusing on a few of them. Even ahead of agreement, it was obvious that the Eastern enlargement from 15 to 28 members would force management and decision-making processes in the European Union, as well as the possible to paralyze or at least make difficult the mechanisms formed in the EU-15. Predicting the enlargement, the old members attempted to organize the internal decision-making systems to incorporate the new members. The Amsterdam and Nice Treaties broaden the scope of verdict to be taken supported on Qualified Majority Voting (QMV), as an alternative of harmony, and the Nice Treaty formed a specific majority system (Schmitter, 2004). It established each of the 27 members an exact number of votes gleaming its demographical potential. The major members of the EU France, Germany, Italy and the UK, were awarded 29 votes each, and the smallest states: Luxembourg 3 and Malta 4 votes, correspondingly. Poland, as the largest new member, was given 27 votes, the equivalent to the number as Spain. However, the rule of the accord has remained at as the foundation of all decision-making in the EU, particularly when it comes to critical political decisions. Even so, the caution of Taylor remained applicable as the effectiveness of decision-making in the distended European Union needed further internal amendment. The response was Treaty making a Constitution for Europe signed in Rome on 29 October 2004. The new agreement went comparatively far in its application, yet Netherlands and the France rejected the European Constitution in referendums and the last effort to improve the internal utility of the EU was the Lisbon Treaty signed on 13 December 2007. The Lisbon Treaty is in actual fact a series of provisions originally presented in the European Constitution. It has make things easier for the   EU’s legal procedures and has established the European Union a legal personality, as well as helping harmonization of the EU’s policies establishing the posts of the EU President and Foreign Minister. It reflects the objections of some members who strained the principal independence of the member states, resultant in the cut of most references that could advocate for the character of the European Union as a (super-) state, counting the initial names of the new EU council. As an effect, the new EU Foreign Minister has lastly become the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. However, the prospect of the treaty had been vague for almost two years, as its implementation required confirmation in all member states. After the optimistic result of the second Irish referendum on 2 October 2009, the president of the Czech Republic, the Polish president, Vaclav Klaus and Lech Kaczynski, finally decided to sign the Treaty. This permitted the Lisbon Treaty to come in into force on 1 December 2009 (Nugent, 2004a). The approach of the citizens in the new member states towards European incorporation has generally been optimistic. For instance, the effects of the agreement referendum in Poland demonstrated support for the association at 77%. After enlargement, assistance in Poland is still at a high level of about 70% (Preston, 1997). The Office of the Committee for European Integration, Warsaw 2009 all together, still, enlargement provoked serious worries among Western EU member countries. The forecast of the enlargement were a basis of anxiety among the populace in the old, wealthier counties members of the EU, as well as the fears of joblessness and huge immigration of employees from the much poorer states of East-Central Europe. Piotr M. Kaczynski specified that the new states were better organized for enlargement as they projected changes and were required to plan for membership. The older members and their societies only experienced the test of the Eastern enlargement on the day of new members’ agreement (Nugent, 2004b). This resulted in the distribution of fears and slogans about the â€Å"Polish nurse† or â€Å"Polish plumber† frightening for employment chances for local Western Europeans. Few in Western Europe left devoid of the benefits of the Eastern enlargement for stabilization, democratization, and union of the continent. Yet the Westerners worried that Eastern enlargement would establish   the questions of decision-making, management, asymmetry in economic potentials and as well as raise the requirement for a broader process of structuring mutual consideration between the two share equally of Europe divided for almost 50 years by the â€Å"Iron Curtain.† (Hagemann, Sara/De, Julia 2007) Still, there were numerous forecasts concerning the migration prospective. Some of them projected that the immigration from the new states would differ from 6% to even 30% of their total populace (105 million), but those more practical showed that the migration would be approximately 3-5% or yet only 2% in the longer time, taking return migration into consideration (Nugent, 2004b). In actuality, the Eastern enlargement has only in part established the fears of Western European civilization and its social effects have been less serious than projected. At the same time, it has established most of the scholars’ forecasts. In agreement with the data obtainable by Euro stat for the end of 2008, the total digit of the immigrants from the new states members has been approximately 1.7 million (Guà ©rot, 2005).This does not comprise session seasonal personnel, the number of which could be expected as an additional few hundred thousand with a propensity to sluggish down for the reason that of the current world economic disaster. The most frequent immigrants were Poles (Poland being the most crowded new member state) and Romanians operating mostly in the Ireland, Spain, and United Kingdom. Polish specialist have projected that the actual number of Poles operating in the old member countries of the EU has been at the level of 1–1.12 million (out of entirety 38 million of populace) with a possible of additional 0.6 million of seasonal recruits (Stacey, and Berthold 2003). These numbers may seem considerable, but it would be difficult to treat them as a massive influx of workers from the East. All in all, the trouble of migration from the new state member cannot be overlooked and will go on to play an important role in the opinion of euro-skeptics, but it emerge to be much less grave than originally estimated. This is accurate mainly in the situation of the current world economic catastrophe and increasing social protests adjacent to the foreign employment force in the UK and other principal states of the European Union. It may perhaps also persuade the old members to formulate informal efforts at protectionism, although the regulations of the free movement of industry and capital within the European particular market. One of the areas of debate before enlargement was the cost of the process. Yet it seems that the Eastern enlargement of the European Union has not been overly expensive, especially in comparison to the benefits. Several authors have concluded that in the longer term the enlargement would have small but positive growth effects on the whole EU, although lower in the case of the old members and higher with regard to new member states, with forecasts of an additional overall EU growth by 0.5 to 0.7%. However, it is clear that the main benefits of the enlargement are political ones, namely the opportunity to reunify the Continent and in this context, the costs of the enlargement were indeed low (estimated for the financial framework 2004-2006 at 40.16 billion euro, or 1.08% of EU GNP) (Faber, 2009). Though, looking at the differences in economic prospective and wealth-level involving the old states and new states members, it seems not possible to expect that their convergence would be attained in the short or even medium time. This implies a tough need for aiding funds from the richest states of the European Union for the improvement of the new state members. Therefore, the dilemma of financial unity between the poorest and the richest in the EU will turn into much more grave for the future of the Union than whichever time before, still after the Southern enlargement in the 1980s (Falkner, 1996). The narrow financial wealth at the Union’s disposal has led to discussion in the EU about its financial point of view. The member states take up two differing positions. France and Germany, as the leading donors, have grown hesitant to increase their assistance to the common EU budget. The financial discussions for the period 2007-2013 incorporated the demand of the major net-contributors to edge the EU resources to 1% of the Community’s GNP. The ultimate resolution accepted a maximum of 1.045%, but the indecision of the richest members to wrap the additional expenditure of the enlarged EU was understandable. The new state members, conversely, joined the EU with the hope of financial support and harmony. Knowing that their active growth depend on the kindness of the richest states of the EU, the new state fear that, the imposing idea of harmony might crash with the exaction economic interests of the main EU members. Such a distribution of the EU members into the center of the most urbanized and wealthiest nations and East-Central Europe as an edge could intimidate European integration. Yet even though the limited economic resources exist in the EU budget, the supporting of the new members states has been reasonable so far. Poland, for instance, as the largest recipient, is getting a net-assistance of â‚ ¬60 billion in the episode of 2007-2013, mostly in the form of structural and solidity funds. However, the most important concern is to keep this level of the help in the next financial agenda (2014-2020). This will be the main issue of the future discussion. The wealthiest and strongest states of the EU have well thought-out reducing some forms of support to new member’s states and support spending that would center more on new technologies, competitiveness, and innovation of the EU in the global economy. Even if it is apparent that the EU requires being more successful on the global prospect, it is evident that the financial capital available in the upcoming EU budget for innovation and new technologies would most possibly help the wealthiest state of the Union. The new states with their much poorer economies and less innovative will not be capable to struggle for this money. The new East-Central European members projected full-fledged contribution in the decision-making method of the EU, as well as value for their opinion, despite their imperfect economic potentials. But the political discussion just after the Eastern extension, which led into the new suggestion of the European Constitution and the Lisbon Treaty, were challenging for the new members states and tackle them with the perception of the new form of the European Union only a few months following their agreement. These circumstances were most difficult for Poland the largest country in the group of new states, however a medium-size state members in the EU with its ambition of playing an active political task in the European Union. In the case of Poland, which was to lower some of its recognized position in the EU exacted in the number of votes in a number of Union institutions, it was hard to clarify to people why the regulations of the membership must be altered so quickly after the agreement. Examining the first epoch after the Eastern extension, Piotr M. Kaczynski sustains that the economic outcome of the growth have been clearly constructive. The new state members improved quickly and much earlier than expected. Though, he finds that the political aspect of the enlargement is harder to review. After a first period of compliance, the new state members, particularly Czech Republic and the Poland, became more self-confident in the EU, which resulted to some quarrel between the administration of these nations and EU system. Equally Czech Republic and the Poland mainly reacted to the thoughts coming from the Western part of the EU. Their political program, if any, were typically poorly set and cast off (Steunenberg, 2002a). Later, after the enlargement, Poland and all new members comprehend more visibly that it is not only the amount of votes that make a decision their place and ability to pressure decision-making procedures in the EU. They have attained convenient experience and become more familiar with the actual political device, including the regulations of effective alliance building and cooperation. Dirk Leuffen has explained it as a progression of â€Å"socialization† in which the new state members learn how to deal with the informal and formal rules and standards in the EU. From his perspective point of view, this socialization should be well thought-out as a medium-term development ( Dirk 2010). The skill gained; during the five years following the enlargement appear to back up that the time of socialization will be shorter relatively than longer. The current Polish-Swedish suggestion of Eastern Partnership (Steunenberg, 2002b), to reinforce collaboration with several Eastern neighbors of the inflamed European Union, helped by the other members of the EU, demonstrate that new states can efficiently take part to flourishing program, or at slightly be significant partners of doing well initiatives offered together with some old states members. As consequence, the succession of the new states from East-Central Europe has not been as â€Å"detrimental† to the EU administration as it was at times recommended in Western Europe earlier than the enlargement. In conclusions, the effects of the Eastern enlargement on external and internal relations of the European Union have not been as â€Å"tragic† as it was occasionally feared prior to enlargement. The addition from 15 to 28 member nations, as well as the significant economic unevenness between old state and new state member have shaped some administration problems for the EU, but they have not busted it. The European Union ought to now focus on amplification of its present instruments and institutions. The new states have rapidly learned the Union’s regulations and procedures and to place political conciliation before majority of votes. Thus, the agreement code has retained its center value in the EU. The significance of the incorporation process is the vision of a new regional individuality based on resolution among the European countries. The Eastern enlargement has opened the way to a real unification of the continent. After the occurrence of two World Wars on its region, it behooves Europe not to lose this opportunity. Thus, harmony between the old states and new members remains the subject to a flourishing future of the society. References Baun, Michael 2004: â€Å"Intergovernmental Politics†. In: Nugent, Neill (ed.) European Union Enlargement. Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 132-145. Blockmans, Steven/Prechal, Sacha (eds.) 2008: Reconciling the Deepening and Widening of the European Union. The Hague: T.M.C Asser Press Dehousse, Renaud/Deloche-Gaudez, Florence/Duhamel, Olivier (eds.) 2006: Élargissement. Common l’Europes’adapte. Paris: Centre d’à ©tudes europà ©ennes, Presses Sciences Po. Dirk Leuffen 2010. â€Å"Breaking the Camel’s Back? Eastern Enlargement and EU Governance.† ECPR Paper Number 853, Center for Comparative and International Studies, ETH Zurich, p. 6 Faber, Anne 2009: â€Å"Eastern Enlargement in Perspective: A Comparative View on EC/EU Enlargements†. In: Loth, Wilfried (ed.): Experiencing Europe. 50 Years of European Construction 1957-2007. Baden-Baden: Nomos, pp. 305-325. Falkner, Gerda 1996: â€Å"Enlarging the European Union†. In: Richardson, Jeremy J. (ed.) European Union. Power and policy-making. London/New York: Routledge, pp. 233-246 Guà ©rot, Ulrike 2005: †Consequences and Strategic Impact of Enlargement on the (Old) EU†. In: Brimmer, Esther/ Frà ¶hlich, Stefan (eds.): The Strategic Implications of European Union Enlargement. Johns Hopkins University: Centre for Transatlantic Relations, pp. 53-72. Hagemann, Sara/De Clerck-Sachsse, Julia 2007: Decision-Making in the Council of Ministers: Evaluating the Facts. CEPS Policy brief No. 119, January 2007, available at http://www.ceps.be. Lindner, Johannes 2003: â€Å"Institutional stability and change: two sides of the same coin†. Journal of European Public Policy 10:6, December 2003, pp. 912-935. Miles, Lee 2004: â€Å"Theoretical Considerations†. In: Nugent, Neill (ed.) European Union Enlargement. Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 253-265. Nugent, Neill (ed.) 2004: European Union Enlargement. Palgrave Macmillan. Nugent, Neill 2004a: â€Å"Previous Enlargement Rounds.† In: Nugent, Neill (ed.): European Union Enlargement. PalgraveMacmillan, pp. 22-33. Nugent, Neill 2004b: â€Å"Distinctive and Recurrent Features of Enlargement Rounds.† In: Nugent, Neill (ed.): European Union Enlargement. Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 56-69. Preston, Christopher 1997: Enlargement and Integration in the European Union. London/New York: Routledg Schmitter 2004: â€Å"Neo-Neofunctionalism†. In: Wiener, Antje/Diez, Thomas (eds.): European Integration Theory. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 45-74. Stacey, Jeffrey/Rittberger, Berthold 2003: â€Å"Dynamics of formal and informal institutional change in the EU†. Journal of European Public Policy 10:6, December 2003, pp. 858-883. Steunenberg, Bernard (ed.) 2002: Widening the European Union. The politics of institutional change and reform. London/New York: Routledge. Steunenberg, Bernard 2002a: â€Å"Enlargement and reform in the European Union†. In: Steunenberg, Bernard (ed.): Widening the European Union. The politics of institutional change and reform. London/New York: Routledge, pp. 3-20. Steunenberg, Bernard 2002b: â€Å"An even wider Union. The effects of enlargement on EU decision-making†. In: Steunenberg, Bernard (ed.): Widening the European Union. The politics of institutional change and reform. London/ New York: Routledge, pp. 97-118.

Post Modern Dance Essay Example for Free

Post Modern Dance Essay Introduction   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   By the late 1950s, post-modern dance had refined its styles and its theories, and had emerged as a recognizable dance genre. It used stylized movements and energy levels in legible structures (theme and variations, ABA, and so on) to implicate emotions, tones and social conveyance. The choreography was buttressed by expressive characters of theater such as music, props, special lighting and costumes. The aspirations of post-modern dance, anti-academic from the first, were simultaneously primitivist and modernist[1]. Meanwhile, the new wave dance, which had seemingly replaced the post-modernistic era had issued characteristics similar to the post-modern dance through message implications, but also performs altered character through presentations themselves. The topic for the discussion involves the Twyla Tharp as the new wave dance and the post-modernistic dance. Twyla Tharp Choreography: Post-modern Era 1960-1973   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Twyla Tharp began her career in 1965, at the age of nearly 23, with Tank Dive, a work in three movements, choreographed for her and four non-dancers. It was performed partly to the accompaniment of Petula Clark’s recording of â€Å"downtown†[2]. In the dance world, perhaps only Twyla Tharp could have fitted such a definition at the time, but her work was not commonly considered post-modern dance[3]. Twyla Tharp’s early choreography explored many of the same experimental issues that interested the Judson choreographers, the Grand Union, and Meredith Monk[4]. Several of Tharp’s dances, beginning with Tank Dive (1963), contrasted dance and pedestrian movement vocabularies and mixed trained and untrained performers. Tharp could transpose movement from one context to another because of her various syntactic procedures. Whether the movement was pedestrian or theatrical in origin, Tharp manipulates it using simple mathematical equations or principles based on theme and variation[5]. Twyla Tharp had greatly contributed in the field of post-modern dance. By the end of 1973, she hit her greatest success in the field of post-modern dance. The water-shed in her career was Deuce Coupe (1973), which Robert Joffrey commissioned for his ballet company[6].   During this year, another generation of dance trend was born and Tharp’s contribution to the post-modern dance had greatly provided certain contributions to the New Wave modern dance of 1973. New Wave Modern Dance: 1973   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Meanwhile, the next generations of younger choreographers of 1973 such as Peter Gordon of Life Orchestra of 1977, Karole Armitage, Rhys Chatham, and many others had initiated the formulation of new wave dances. If Twyla Tharp performed in silence at the Judson Church in 1966, had diverged from the analytic postmodern line of inquiry because her choreography was so musically inclined, by the early 1980s, when the analytic choreographers â€Å"rediscovered† music and its various uses, such interest realigned the fields of dance steps and choreography. The next bearers of dance trends had differentiated themselves from their minimalist, analytic, anti-music forebears in a way that fit with the general cultural trend; in part to engage with their own artistic contemporaries in other fields. For the late seventies and early eighties, the younger generations of new music composers were often hybrid creations that endeavors pop experience and characteristics[7]. Modern dance today is a virtual accumulation of all the influences mentioned in the past evolution of dance steps. The plurality of perspectives has not dampened debate nor the tension that has continued to generate innovation in modern forms. The basic idea of dance in Tharp’s concept of post-modernistic dance has placed remains in the evolution of choreography evidently through instinctive pairings[8]. One example of modernistic evolution occurred in 1973 wherein the Alvin Ailey company revived Ted Shawn’s Kinetic Molpai and merged the tradition of white gay men with that if African American men. The achievement and influence of choreographers such as Trisha Brown and Twyla Tharp greatly revolutionize the characteristics of the new wave dance or the modern dance of 1970s[9]. Characteristics of New Wave Dance   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   During the trend of the late dance choreographers including Twyla Tharp, dance steps mainly connote ballet form. The term modern dance or new wave dance connotes absence to little presence of uniformity and synonymous steps. The most striking features of its development were that of a diversity of forms. New wave dance refers to performance art dance that is not founded on the ballet nor in the various forms of popular dance entertainment, although, relationships might still be traced since the basis of these modern steps were these classical or post-modernistic choreographies[10]. Modern dance chiefly aims the expression of an inner compulsion; but it has also seen the necessity for vital forms for this expression, and indeed has realized the aesthetic value of form in and of itself as an adjunct to this expression[11]. New wave dance possessed relatively increased dynamics and patterns of steps, which encourages freedom of movement through expression, emotions, or creative instinct of the dancer[12].   From this desire to externalize personal, authentic experience, it is evident that the scheme of modern dancing is all in the direction of individualism and away from standardization[13]. Twyla Tharp’s Involvement in Modern Dance   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The next wave dances were greatly influenced Tharp whose work has embraced both sides of all these pairings and indicated a shift toward a concern with the dance’s perceptual effects. Representation and abstraction, emotion and motion, content and form, and psyche and environment are the prime similarities of ballet dance step formulation of Tharp and the composition of next wave dances. However, the differentiations of these dances are the standardization and strict classicism of post-modern dance of Tharp, while next wave dances basically thrived free expressions[14]. Bibliography Julia L. Foulkes , â€Å"Modern Bodies: Dance and American Modernism from Martha Ailey†, UNC Press (2002)183 Martha Bremser, â€Å"Fifty Contemporary Choreographers†, Routledge (1999) 217 Michael Huxley and Noel Witts, â€Å"The Twentieth Century Performance Reader†, Routledge (2002) 38 Press (1994) 321 Randy Martin, â€Å"Performance As Political Act: The Embodied Self†, Praeger/Greenwood (2000) 91 Sally Banes , â€Å"Writing Dancing in the Age of Postmodernism â€Å",Wesleyan University Susan Leigh Foster, â€Å"Reading Dancing: Bodies and Subjects in Contemporary American†, University of California Press (1998) 209 [1] Michael Huxley and Noel Witts, â€Å"The Twentieth Century Performance Reader†, Routledge (2002) 38 [2] Martha Bremser, â€Å"Fifty Contemporary Choreographers†, Routledge (1999) 217 [3] Huxley and Witts, 38 [4] Susan Leigh Foster, â€Å"Reading Dancing: Bodies and Subjects in Contemporary American†, University of California Press (1998) 209 [5] Foster, 209. [6] Bremser, 217 [7] Sally Banes , â€Å"Writing Dancing in the Age of Postmodernism â€Å",Wesleyan University Press (1994) 321 [8] Foster, 209; Bremser, 217 [9] Julia L. Foulkes , â€Å"Modern Bodies: Dance and American Modernism from Martha Ailey†, UNC Press (2002)183 [10] Helen Thomas, â€Å"Dance, Modernity and Culture: Explorations in the Sociology of Dance†, Routledge (1995) 24 [11] Huxley and Witts, 38; Foulkes, 22 [12] Bremser, 217; Banes, 321 [13] Huxley and Witts, 38; Foulkes, 297, 300 [14] Randy Martin, â€Å"Performance As Political Act: The Embodied Self†, Praeger/Greenwood (2000) 91

The Impacts Of Media On Pakistans Economy Media Essay

The Impacts Of Media On Pakistans Economy Media Essay The reason of choosing this particular topic is to establish the idea that how a countrys internal and external imbalances can be affected by its economy and how a country can face the potential threats while the nation is economically either strong or weak. Why am I choosing the topic? In terms of choosing this particular topic I have personally taken keen interest in the economy of Pakistan along with its political history and have observed a clear change with e involvement of media in the countrys politics, international affairs and economy with in last 2 decades. Historically Pakistan has been an agricultural state with 80% of the countrys population living in rural areas making the agricultural industry as the main source of employment and GDP.But in recent decades a sharp rise in the media industry has turned the direction of economy where even though most of the population still resides in the rural areas, the power of media has increased the influence on its over all economy. As per influence of media is concerned surprisingly it can create a two way influence on a countrys economy. There are observations and facts which have proved that in times of financial or economic crisis a media can play a role of either a life saver or even a fan over the burning flames of the economy. The character of media in particular has motivated myself to see and research the actual impact of media in Pakistans economy as it has been a controversial industry even though its growth seems to be a non stopping phenomena. The idea of researching into this topic is to establish a fact where we can put media into one category or may be not.As in past 2 decades we have send its huge impact on countrys politics and other affairs, I have noticed that it has effected the country in general more then ever before.Its effects on countrys politics are massive and I would like to find out whether these effects actually have been positive or rather have damaged the countrys image internationally where we have seen international media projecting the country as a state which is on its brink to collapse and is struggling to counteract the rising extremism inside the country.; International media has most probably played a key role in damaging the countrys economy with in last 2 decades where it is seen that this country has been named in media in relation to a place where there is all danger for any other country and unfortunately the impression passed over to the world has not been positive. International media has projected this country as a failed state, a dropping down economically not viable place for investment. On the other hand the media inside the country has influenced the countrys economy in a different way where more and more investment is being done to privatize this industry which includes, TV, Radio , news papers and etc. Because of this two way impact from one industry, this has in fact become a very interesting topic to work on trying to find out exactly where the country itself stands in between international and national media. The main purpose of choosing this title. As a student of Finance I would like to highlight the key factors which can shape a countrys economic and political stability. Pakistans economy in particular has been my key interest because of certain reasons including the fact that I was born there and have seen the biggest economic instability swings in last 30 years and the obvious relationship of this situation with the media and politics. In my observation politics in Pakistan itself has been influenced a lot by the existence of media especially with in last 2 decades where we have seen a massive rise in private media industry talking and taking stand against the old fashioned state run media and have given out the message globally that this country has the potential where international organizations can invest in in this country with a sense of freedom of speech and a free to use media for their financial campaigns with out getting influenced by the government. This in fact is a great success of media which has clearly shown the changes in general ranging from more investment to a clear and reliable media which can of course point out any significant change in time and making it possible to use media as a generator of revenue giving out jobs and keeping the country in a race with its neighboring countries as well as globally. The current media revolution sweeping the nation began ten years ago when Pakistan had just one television channel, according to the UKs Prospect Magazine. Today it has over 100. Together they have begun to open up a country long shrouded by political, moral and religious censorship-taking on the government, breaking social taboos and, most recently, pushing a new national consensus against the Taliban. The birth of privately owned commercial media has been enabled by the Musharraf-era deregulation, and funded by the tremendous growth in revenue from advertising targeted at the burgeoning urban middle class consumers. With television presence in over 16 million households accounting for 68% of the population in 2009, the electronic media have also helped inform and empower many rural Pakistanis, including women With an increase of 38% over 2008, the television advertising revenue for 2009 in Pakistan was Rs 16.4 billion ((US $200m), accounting for about half of the total ad market during the year. The TV ad revenue is continuing to rise as a percentage of total ad revenue, mostly at the expense of the print media ads. The biggest spenders in 2009 were the telecom companies with Rs 8 billion, followed closely by fast moving consumer goods (FMCG) sector with Rs. 7 billion, as reported by Pakistans GeoTV channel According to Daily Times, Chairman Mushtaq Malik of the Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (PEMRA) has said that the cable television sector is the fast growing segment among the electronic media ventures. In the first 100 days of the current government, he has claimed that new licenses for 16 satellite TV channels, 10 FM radio stations, and 232 cable TV channels have been granted. It is anticipated that this would lead to additional investment worth Rs. 2.5 billion, generating 4000 additional jobs in this sector. The cable television sector alone is employing some 30,000 people in the country. Foreign media, such as the business channel CNBC Pakistan, have also found a niche with the stellar performance and increased viewer and investor interest in Karachi stock exchange in the last decade. The Gallup Pakistan estimates that the number of TV viewers age 10 and above has increased from 63 million in 2004 to 86 million in 2009. Though exact numbers are hard to find, it is estimated that the rapid growth of Pakistans media market over the last decade has attracted significant investment in the range of billions of dollars, and produced hundreds of millions of dollars in revenue. There are 150 advertising agencies and 74 production companies. Given the rising power of the media to shape Pakistani society, public opinion and government policy, I personally experienced the pervasive effects of Pakistans media boom , competing channels catering to almost every niche, whim and tastefrom news, politics, education, health, sports, comedy and talk shows to channels dedicated to cooking, fashion, fitness, music, business, religion, local languages and cultures etc. The media have had a profound influence on how many young people learn, talk, dress and behave, and emulate the outspoken media personalities, various experts, actors, preachers, singers, sportsmen, celebrities and fashion models. The growth in Pakistans media market has resulted in more useful information, more advertising, more competition and more choice for the public. Pakistan finds itself in the midst of many crises, ranging from a deep sense of insecurity and economic stagnation to low levels of human development and insufficient access to basic necessities of life such as proper nutrition, education and health care. My hope is that the mass media will effectively play a responsible role to inform and educate Pakistanis on the fundamental issues of poor governance in Pakistan, and help in shaping the economy, the debate and policies to solve some of the most serious problems facing the nation today. Required sources to complete the research. In order to present all these highlights mentioned above ,in detail I will be using people in general as my main source of information which will include interviews with key figures who are involved in Pakistans media industry as well as individuals from the finance market who have observed the statistics in last 2 decades in terms of rising up and slowing down economy and its interaction with the media in particular. Other sources which will be used will include Newspapers, electronic media and Internet.I will also be using international media reports about the countrys economy compared the national medias reports in same time frame to actually compare and evaluating my main thought whether international media is in any way damaging or constructive to this countrys economy or vice versa.